Romance

Already Home by Susan Mallery

By Susan Mallery

After approximately a decade as a cordon bleu in a classy eatery, and clean off a divorce from the landlord, Jenna Stevens is determined for a metamorphosis. So while she spots a for-lease check in her place of origin, she swiftly makes a decision to open her own cooking shop. Her crash path in enterprise is aided by way of a streetwise shop supervisor and Jenna's adoptive mom. yet once she earnings a foothold in her new lifestyles, in stroll her beginning parents—aging hippies on a quest to reconnect.
Now Jenna needs to determine the way to reconcile the free-spirited Serenity and Tom with the oldsters who raised her and choose no matter if to open her middle to a guy who simply can be the easiest factor to occur to her in years. All with out sacrificing her newly discovered goals. in spite of everything, Jenna will locate that there's no excellent family members, merely the folks we love….

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Extra resources for Already Home

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Clausal domains and clitic placement generalizations in Romance  Let us further assume that the OCL can adjoin to the Z-head only if it has the appropriate features: specifically, it can adjoin to the Z-head only if the Z head does not have the feature [finite]. ” As we saw, Borgomanerese allows OCL adjunction to the simple tense Z-head, while Italian and non-Borgomanerese-type Piedmontese do not. By hypothesis, then, this would mean that the matrix Z-head in Piedmontese has the feature [finite], while Borgomanerese matrix Z does not; I sketch this out in (36) and (37): Matrix Z in Borgomanerese (utilized as an OCL site in the simple tenses): (36) Z[…] Matrix Z in Piedmontese/Italian (not utilized as an OCL site in the simple tenses): (37) Z[finite] To understand how the idea illustrated in (36)/(37) could make sense of the crosslinguistic generalizations, I need to make one more proposal, which I will term the “Feature Spreading Hypothesis”: (38) Feature Spreading Hypothesis: Clauses exhibit a mechanism of feature spreading, whereby certain features fundamental to the interpretation of the proposition successively spread to lower heads.

This is a correct prediction; Borgomanerese-type varieties exhibit this: Borgomanerese: Mangio-lo Abbiamo mangiato-lo . To be read: Low object clitic placement in simple tense clauses entails object clitic placement in participial clauses; as such, lack of object clitic placement in participial clauses entails lack of low object clitic placement in simple tense clauses. Because the entailment is uni-directional, it does not mean that placement of the object clitic in participial clauses entails low object clitic placement in simple tense clauses.

Fully recast in terms for OCL placement established in this chapter, we can revise (35) as follows: (35’) Cross-linguistic uni-directional entailment for OCL placement: If a language utilizes the Z head in simple tense clauses, then it utilizes the participial Z head in compound tenses (but not vice versa). Once stated in this way, we can ask the following question: What does it mean for a particular functional head to be “available” for OCL placement? In the following section, I sketch a way to answer this question.

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